The people say the new world order is a conspiracy theory and at the same time talk about the "liberal world order" they are a part of.
They talk about "defending free speech" in one breath and promoting the limitation of speech they don't like with the other.
In a 2017 article German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble talked about the world order
>Europe must do more to defend liberal world order - Germany's Schaeuble
>"We have to improve our cooperation, we have to rely on our mutual trust," Schaeuble said at a ceremony where he was awarded the Henry A. Kissinger Prize by the former U.S. secretary of state personally.
>"We need to stick to our values, we need to be more convincing," said Schaeuble, a veteran member of Merkel's ruling conservatives.
>"If the United States is starting to take a skeptical view of its role as the guardian of global order – and we've already seen hints of this in recent years – then I would see this as a call to action directed at Europe, including Germany," he said.
>"That would be the end of our liberal world order. This order is still the best of all possible worlds, for ethical, political and economic reasons. And we want this order to keep moving forward, or at least not see it weakened," he said.
http://archive.is/onEir
>Flashes of anger, tears, and a promise: How Obama and world leaders privately reacted to Trump's election, as told by a former Obama adviser
>President Donald Trump's election left more than just a large portion of the US in shock. The outgoing President Barack Obama was equally rattled, as were some of America's closest international allies.
>In his memoir, "The World as It Is," Ben Rhodes, the former deputy national security adviser to Obama, talked about how Obama coped with knowing Trump would try to reverse much of what he had accomplished.
>At points, Obama questioned whether he and his advisers had miscalculated what Americans really wanted, the thing on which Trump bet his entire campaign: a focus on domestic policy over "empty cosmopolitan globalism."
>Obama urged Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to hold down the fort on policies they both championed. And German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who The Times said ran for another term in order to "defend the liberal international order" in the era of Trump, shed a tear in her final meeting with Obama - after which Obama sighed: "She's all alone," as a wave of populism permeated global politics on the heels of Brexit and Trump's election.
http://archive.is/s9KtV
>The first problem was that liberalism’s defenders oversold the product. We were told that if dictators kept falling and more states held free elections, defended free speech, implemented the rule of law, and adopted competitive markets, and joined the EU and/or NATO, then a vast “zone of peace” would be created, prosperity would spread, and any lingering political disagreements would be easily addressed within the framework of a liberal order.
>Efforts to spread a liberal world order also faced predictable opposition from the leaders and groups who were directly threatened by our efforts.
>It is also abundantly clear that post-Cold War liberals underestimated the role of nationalism and other forms of local identity, including sectarianism, ethnicity, tribal bonds, and the like. They assumed that such atavistic attachments would gradually die out, be confined to apolitical, cultural expressions, or be adroitly balanced and managed within well-designed democratic institutions.
>But it turns out that many people in many places care more about national identities, historic enmities, territorial symbols, and traditional cultural values than they care about “freedom” as liberals define it. And if the Brexit vote tells us anything, it’s that some (mostly older) voters are more easily swayed by such appeals than by considerations of pure economic rationality (at least until they feel the consequences). We may think our liberal values are universally valid, but sometimes other values will trump them (no pun intended).
>Such traditional sentiments will loom especially large when social change is rapid and unpredictable, and especially when once-homogeneous societies are forced to incorporate and assimilate people whose backgrounds are different and have to do so within a short span of time. Liberals can talk all they want about the importance of tolerance and the virtues of multiculturalism (and I happen to agree with them), but the reality is that blending cultures within a single polity has never been smooth or simple. The resulting tensions provide ample grist for populist leaders who promise to defend “traditional” values (or “make the country great again”). Nostalgia ain’t what it used to be, but it can still be a formidable political trope.
http://archive.is/XvsQ9